臺灣媽祖廟現存「御匾」研究：兼論其所反映的集體記憶與政治神話

李建緯。〈臺灣媽祖廟現存「御匾」研究：兼論其所反映的集體記憶與政治神話〉。《民俗曲藝》186 (2014.12): 103-79。

Lee Chian-wei. “Qing Imperial Plaques Kept in the Mazu Temples in Taiwan: The Collective Memory and Political Myths.” Journal of Chinese Ritual, Theatre and Folklore 186 (2014.12): 103-79.

Abstract

臺灣媽祖廟經常見有附清帝御璽款式之御匾，有「神昭海表」匾、「海國安瀾」和「與天同功」匾等。其中數量最龐大者為「與天同功」匾額。《清德宗實錄》載有光緒七年（1881）十月十五日：「以神靈顯應，頒臺灣各屬天后廟匾額曰：『與天同功』。」就文獻與田調所見資料，全臺所見此匾共二十餘面。

透過匾額製作工藝、字體書法風格、御璽形式以及寺廟沿革等相關資料，臺灣媽祖廟所見以「與天同功」匾為代表的御匾可分成幾類：（一）具明確清代風格特徵的御賜「與天同功」匾；（二）具清代特徵，但非御賜匾額；（三）字體風格相近，或已經後世重修之匾；（四）非御賜匾額，未具清代特徵者。這種不斷複製御匾的集體現象，其動機可能是通過皇帝字體以及御璽的「在場」（presence），如同獲得官方認可；其次，中國自古以來的師古、仿古傳統中，例如明清書畫發展中不斷地描摹宋元或更早期繪畫風格與字帖一般，也讓匾額上的字體不斷被重寫、流傳，形成一種極為特殊的書法傳統。

本文指出，臺灣清代晚期御匾被大量複製的動機，很可能是一種被使用者重新「神話化」之過程。也就是說，原先皇帝賜匾給廟方是用以頌揚媽祖神靈顯應，其功同於天；但是，因御匾本身所具有的強大政治正統符號象徵，代表着被官方認同，故在新的情境中重新被賦予一種新的政治性符號。同樣地，在清代後期各地林立的媽祖廟，若當地擁有一面皇帝御賜的匾額，不僅能提升廟的地位，更可藉由御匾讓在地民眾產生優越感，同時也凝聚了在地居民的認同感與向心力，成為一種以寺廟為中心、凝結社群集體意識的具體物質象徵。

Many Mazu temples in Taiwan boast an imperial plaque bearing an emperor’s royal signet. It carries such phrase as Shen Zhao Hai Biao (The light of goddess shines on the surface of the sea), or Hai Guo An Lan (May the goddess bring peace the realm of sea), or Yu Tian Tong Gong (The goddess’ merit equals that of Heaven), with the last being most frequently found. The Qing Veritable Records notes that in the year 1881, the Guangxu Emperor bestowed the Yu Tian Tong Gong plaques to all the Mazu temples under the jurisdiction of Taiwan prefect. Based on documents and my field investigation, there are twenty Yu Tian Tong Gong plaques in total. 

These plaques can be categorized into the following types according to the carver’s craftsmanship, style of calligraphy, format of the signet, and history of the temples. First, plaques with unequivocal Qing imperial features. Second, plaques with Qing features, but not imperial plaques. Third, plaques with similar calligraphic style, or plaques that had been re-carved at a later date. Fourth, plaques that are neither imperially bestowed, nor dating from the Qing dynasty. Temples continued to duplicate the imperial plaques with the assumption that the presence of the emperor’s plaque and his signet would imply an officially recognized status. In addition, Ming Qing calligraphers and artists incessantly copied paintings and scrolls of calligraphy by Song and Yuan artists. This tradition of imitating old masters caused the scripts on the plaques to be copied, re-copied, and circulated, forming a unique calligraphy tradition.

In this study, I point out that mass reproduction of the late Qing imperial plaques is a re-mythologizing process on the users’ part. When the emperor bestowed a plaque on a certain temple, he meant to have Mazu’s benevolence and merits. However, because plaque is a strong political orthodoxy symbol, an officially recognized status is implied. This is a new political symbol enforced in a new context. Likewise, for many late Qing Mazu temples, owning an imperial plaque not only elevates the temple’s prestige, brings a sense of pride but also consolidates followers’ identity. It becomes a concrete material symbol, centering on the temple, that integrates a community’s collective memories.